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C%tIsagaZ, maoM satnaamaI samaaja Apnaa kImat kOsao banaayao
The infight between Maya and Mulayam a big hurdle for social changes in India
Half the Indian Population in Fear

PLIGHT OF DALIT LEADERSHIP
IN INDIAN POLITICS

Current Events- Reservation in Promotion who will take credit now

Now New issue "RESERVATION IN PROMOTION" is taking different shape. If it is not mistaken Congresh has befooled Ms Mayavati and used her in Presidential and Vice Presidential Election 2012. Mayavati did not support Trible Presidential Condidate Mr PA Sangma and contrarily supported a Brahmin condidate Mr Mukharjee for President and Mr Ansari for VP at the insistance of Congresh. The plight of Reservation in Promotion specially at Class 1 posts is going to be invain.

Posted: 31 August 2012
Raipur: Tribals in Chhattisgarh are furious over police moves to ban their traditional weapons in public places, particularly in village haats, or markets.
Bastar Range Inspector General of Police TJ Langkumer said that the ban was being implemented only in Narayanpur district in a bid to prevent Maoists from attacking security personnel.
"However, it would be our endeavour to extend this arrangement throughout Bastar region," he added.
Tribal leader BPS Netam warned that the government was playing with fire.
Netam, coordinator of Sarva Adivasi Samaj, said: "The government will face stiff resistance if it tries to curb the practice of carrying traditional arms by members of the tribal community.
"Tribal people carry these arms for self-defence and use them only if they are attacked," he added.
Notably, Narayanpur and Bijapur, both parts of old Bastar, are the two very sparsely populated districts of Chhattisgarh and have witnessed several deaths of security forces and civilians at public places.
In almost all cases, Maoists used traditional tribal weapons to carry out the killings.
According to police officials, tribals visit weekly markets armed with bows and arrows, spears, knives and axes. Normally, police turn a blind eye out of respect for tribal traditions.
Taking advantage of the situation, Maoists too began coming to the weekly markets equipped with these weapons and ambushed their targets.
Once the victim was killed, the insurgents would vanish from the market. With no one ready to identify them, police were in a bind.
The latest murder of a policeman took place at the Orchha weekly market in Narayanpur district Aug 1. Soon after, policemen went on a rampage, assaulting traders and locals. A girl was killed in the melee. The mayhem attracted widespread criticism.
A notice has been put up at the Bakhrupara weekly market at Narayanpur asking people not to carry such weapons. Chhattisgarh's Bastar region has emerged as one of the biggest strongholds of the outlawed Communist Party of India-Maoist.
With security forces determined to crush the Maoists, the rebels use any opportunity to hit back - and isolated village markets are also visited by police personnel and those the insurgents say are spies.
[Courtesy: Zee News, August 31, 2012]
After 55 years of Democratic set up in India in Millennium era the SC/ ST/ OBC which is recognized as Backward communities constitutes majority population about more than 80% of Indian Population, faces paradoxical situation.

As for development is concern on one hand the 'Feel good factor and India shining' campaign meant for few well-off people has brought absolutely no changes as in the face of these backward communities of India, except propaganda during last five to six years of NDA rule, on the other hand they tried to marginalize the reservation effect which brought some changes on these backward classes.

Though the Congress rule the country for several years (more than forty years) and makes fag claims for upliftment of these communities, are busy in maintaining status-quo, rather they could not implement the reservation rule in true spirit and extended for many times while claiming false sympathy in vote politics of number game.

The BSP led by egoistic leady Miss Mayavati missed the main track, due lack of understanding the social system and before strengthening Bahujan Samaj, she switched over to Sarvajan Samaj aiming to catch the Master key quickly, keeping aside the Social movement initiated by Benevolent Kanshiram on Ambedkarite path and now it has been diverted to Money Politics (MP). Evaluation is on basis of aimless collection. The force generated since inception and origin of BAMCEF and DS4 has been dismantled at some one cost, and now the society is paying heavily for it. Founder of BAMCEF/ DS4/ BSP has became handicaps now.
After death of Hon'le Kanshiram the total control has come on hands of Mayavati who basically do not beleive in Kanshiram's philosophy of Bahujan and the social system developed by Kanshiram has been totally changed. Party worker can not enter in to office of BSP without prior approval of state president and thus she has lost every contact with gross worker. The Kanshiram Bahujan movement has been totally blocked now. She is unable to plan any activities and motivate weaker section of society, except appointing Subedars in different states.
As a result BSP heavily lost 2012 assembly election and back to 15 years old position even after she got full opportunity to rule the state for last 5 years. It has been observed that the Scheduled caste and Backword class population of state was almost scilent for last three years, after forcefull inception of Brahmin leaders in BSP front . Now there is no social movement going on. People of India are feeling cheated in the hands of new leadership after Kanshiram ji. There is a big vaccum in the society and the society is looking forward for the new changes and forcefull leadership like Kanshiram ji.

LJP led by Shri Ramvilas Paswan flying in the sky has only high aims without any base. Instead of developing leadership amongst he is mostly busy in collecting the scraps from here and there, and now it appears to Kabadkhana in this era of coalition and collision Politics. There is no vision or any kind of mission as seen in BSP, except caste politics and thus gathering no mass movement in his leadership. It could not take the shape of national movement rather it has been totally limited to state politics of Bihar.

As for National Politics are concern there are seven National Parties , 40 State Parties and about 110 Registered (unrecognized) Political Parties throughout India and most of National and State level Parties contest from reserve seats and ironically every one is trying to gain the confidence of these Backward people, making several commitment to bring them Forward. Their commitment are merely to gain the number but not for fulfillment. The moment Election is over all commitments are gone in vain. The Backward people will remain be kept Backward. For which they deserve, as said.

Table 1: Socio Economic and educational profile of Dalits : (Source sixth National Commission for SC/ST 1999-2000 and 2000-2001 New Delhi pp 40-41, 172-74, 177)

State % of SC population(1991) %of SC Literate population 1991) % of SC population Under Poverty (1991) Dropout rate of SC at secondary stage (1990- 91)
Andhra Pradesh 15.93 31.59 34.92 86.00
Arunachal Pradesh 0.47 57.27 - -
Assam 7.40 53.94 29.86 62.42
Bihar 14.56 19.49 62.91 89.39
Goa 2.08 58.73 - 81.07
Gujrat 7.41 61.07 38.62 71.29
Hariyana 19.75 39.22 35.07 78.12
Himachal Pradesh 25.34 53.20 27.70 67.78
J & K - - - 79.09
Karnataka 16.38 38.06 54.00 76.03
Kerala 9.92 79.66 34.01 51.06
MP 14.54 35.08 55.41 61.58
Maharastra 11.10 56.46 52.10 71.96
Manipur 2.02 56.44 - 81.70
Meghalaya 0.51 44.27 - 30.57
Mizoram 0.10 77.92 - -
Orissa 16.20 36.78 48.20 81.54
Punjab 28.31 41.09 25.02 79.34
Rajsthan 17.29 26.29 43.50 82.07
Sikkim 5.93 51.03 - 91.51
Tamil Nadu 19.18 46.74 52.77 77.32
Tripura 16.36 56.66 - 87.29
UP 21.04 26.86 58.50 72.20
West Bengal 23.62 42.21 41.51 88.81
Delhi 19.05 57.00 - 65.36

LEADERSHIP AND DALIT MOVEMENT:

The Dalit movement, in the familiar sense of organised resistance of the ex-untouchables to caste oppression, may not be traced beyond colonial times. However, in a wider sense of the struggle of lower castes against the hegemony of Brahminical ideology, it has to coexist with the history of caste itself. It could be taken as the articulation phase of the numerous faceless struggles against the iniquitous socio-economic formation ordained by the caste system, that has occupied vast spaces of Indian history.

During the pre-independence times there was a consolidated struggle against the oppressive and exploitive situation on the active leadership of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar. But could not generate the effective changes due to high illiteracy on the society as a whole. The Socio Economic and educational profile of Dalits shown in table 1 as above, indicates that the factual condition of the Depressed society is highly miserable even after 55 years of Independence.

It appears to the after affect of the role of shri M.K.Gandhi and his Harijan movement using Babu Jagjivanram as tool to de-tracked the independent Dalit movement after 1932 Poona -Pact The Dalit movement did not assimilate any significant learning through changes in these circumstances and so allowed itself to degenerate and to be used by the very set of people whom it intended to fight.

In some part of the country socio-religious movement generated locally, which brought some changes in the system as a common feature of all the anti-caste movements. for example, the Satnami movement led by Guru Ghasidas and Balakdas in the Chhattisgarh plains in Eastern Madhya Pradesh that eventually became an independent religious sect (Russel 1916). Lakhs of people joined satnami movement as per Census Report 1881, followed by Kabirpanthi movement side by side. The Dravid Kazhagam movement of Periyar EVR Ramaswamy Naiker which created a stir by publicly burning the effigy of Rama and celebrating the virtuousness of Ravana; the Nadar Mahajana Sabha in Tamilnadu (Hardgrave 1969). The Ezhava movement of Narayana Guru that culminated in establishment of a new religious sect called Sree Narayan Dharma Pratipalana Yogam in Kerala (Thomas 1965; Aiyappan 1944; Samuel 1973).

The anti-Brahmin movement launched by the creative and visionary genius of Mahatma Phule in Pune- Maharashtra in many ways inspired the social movement. Phule and later on to a certain degree of Ambedkar hoped to bring together all the Untouchables and the Shudra castes in opposition to Brahminism. Howsoever it may be underestimated or grossly overlooked the contradictions between the Shudra backward castes and the non-caste Dalits in the village setting, where precisely the caste problem is to be confronted, the Shudra castes came to share the mantle of Brahminism in relation to Dalits. This is basically strengthened by the economic contradictions between these farmer castes and the Dalits who are the farm labourers dependent on them.

This legacy of Manu could neither be overcome by the powerful non-Brahmin movement of Mahatma Phule, who had certainly shown how to bring them together during his life time; nor by the Dalit movement despite its significant investment for bringing about a broad unity of all the labouring people during Ambedkar's time. Immediately after the death of Mahatma Phule his Satyashodhak Movement lost its anti-caste zeal. Even the attempts for reviving and revitalising it under the patronage of Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur could not succeed and by 1920, it completely lost its anti-Brahminism character and degenerated (barring a few who spearheaded leftist struggles) into a political addendum of ruling class.

The most pervasive Dalit movement led by Babasaheb Ambedkar curiously reaching its climax of mass conversion to Buddhism; they all signify an overriding hatred for the religious code of Manu and a proposition of an alternate faith for themselves. It essentially embodied dejection with the Brahminism, which was perceived to be the root cause for their sufferings. The most articulate expression of this dejection is found in Ambedkar's own analyses that holds overthrowing of 'Hindu' religious ideological hegemony as a necessary condition for the liberation of Dalits. He hated the parasitic class of priests, landlords, moneylenders and capitalists and sought to organise their victims and emphasised the importance of education in the scheme of liberation of Dalits and backward castes.

Thus the whole backward society was made leaderless society for thousands of years by keeping the mass innocent and ignorant. But for success of any struggle leadership plays important role, they bring the society in to the right path removing their innocence and ignorance, to achieve the Human Rights. As on date after 58 years of independence Education standard is so low that shows the dropout ratio in secondary standard. Even though the outcome of the independent struggle by Ambedkar paid us Voting right, reservation in services and Politics, equality before law and administration, facilitation in educational system, introduction of Untouchability Act in the Constitution. Thus the leadership plays a significant role on social movement, which can bring real changes in the system, today where we are standing.

Vacuum of Dalit Leadership in Congress :

After death of Dr. Ambedkar their was a big vacuum created in Dalit movement. The RPI formed by Ambedkar could not overcome their inter differences and ego problem of leadership that who will lead the movement, as a result fragmented and paralyzed by faction conflicts and gone in to the hands of Congress. After Nehru's death and division of Congress Babu Jagjivanram came in to light during late 1970. But soon after emergency he left Congress and formed a new party Jan Congress and joined hands with Morarji Desai govt. as Dy. PM. There also he could not flourish more due to caste politics and he abused at Varanashi during opening ceremony of Sampurnanand statue.

After 1980 Congress again came in to power in the leadership of Indira Gandhi. There was a Dalit leadership vacuum in the Congress. Congress once again started boosting Dalit leadership projecting separately caste and tribe, Yogendra Makwana from Gujrat as focal point for SC and Kartik Oraon as trible leader and there by dividing reserved communities for the first time. The main issue of implementation of reservation policy has been thus diverted to racial group politics of cheap popularity. The Scheduled caste Federation and Scheduled Tribe Federation has been engaged to show their strength. It was continued till 1990.

Congress which once boosted several Dalit leaders and once held maximum numbers of reserve seats before emergence of BJP and BSP has not even one Dalit leader with National or even regional following. One time Babu Jagjivanram was the Congress icon for several years and in his days Congress begged most of the reserved seat without much of efforts. Today Congress is trying to project her daughter Mira Kumar who has practically no effects on Dalits even including in their native state Bihar against Ramvilas Paswan stall ward of LJP. Mata Prasad or Mahavir Prasad in Uttar Pradesh are not having that footing which BSP enjoys, as result the claver Brahmin leaders are diverting towards BSP not for changes but for the shake of Vote in the number game. Rajsthan, Punjab, Hariyana, Madhya Pradesh, also go unrepresented by any Dalit leader. Chhattisgarh they tried to project Ajit Jogi who is also a controversial as per caste or tribe is concern and in utter confusion Congress is loosing both Caste as well tribe votes base and all the 6 reserved seats gone to BJP. Thus there is total vacuum of Dalit leadership in Congress.

Even in cow belt, which consists 187 parliamentary constituencies in general, and 35 of reserved constituencies congress has practically no Dalit representatives. In Maharastra they are trying to bank upon RPI and Sushil Kumar Shinde but here also facing stiff challenges. RPI is now a fragmented force led by number of Dalit leaders in factions Prakash Ambedkar, R.S. Gawai, Ramdas Athwale, Jogendra Kawade etc.have lost their confidence on Voters. As result BSP in making its presence felt especially in Vidarbha region.

If you see the table 2 and table 3 below the status of reserve seats, Congress gained maximum 5 seat in Andhra Pradesh, besides 2 seats in Hariyana, 1 seat each in Delhi, Himachal Pradesh and Bihar, but on the other hand they could not sustain Punjab, Kerala and Maharastra having their own govt. /aligned partner. It is understood that Rajsthan and Gujrat is being ruled by BJP where they could not sustained.

Congress is basically power base organization also not a cadre-based organization as compared to BJP, CPI-CPM, and BSP, and as a fact unable to plan the mechanism to develop and project long term leadership amongst the weaker section of the society as a measure vote bank, except the here say basis.


Table 2 : Performance of Different Parties in SC Reserve Constituencies in 1999 Parliamentary Election

Parties/ State BJP CPI CPM INC AIADMK BSP DMK TDP IND/JDU RJD INLD HVC SHS BJD SAD SDF MDMK PMK SP RLD SJPR LC RSP AIFB AITC TOTAL
Andhra Pradesh 1 - - - - - - 5 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 6
Assam - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1
Bihar 4 - - - - - - - 3 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 8
Gujrat 1 - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2
Hariyana 1 - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2
Himachal Pradesh - - - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1
Karnataka 1 - - 1 - - - - 2 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 4
Kerala - - 1 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2
MP 6 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 6
Maharastra - - - 1 - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - 3
Orissa - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - 3
Punjab - 1 - 2 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3
Rajsthan 3 - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 4
Tamil Nadu - - - - 2 - 3 - - - - - - - - - 1 1 - - - - - - - 7
UP 7 - - - - 6 - - - - - - - - - - - - 4 - - 1 - - - 18
West Bengal - - 4 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2 1 1 8
Delhi 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1
Total 25 1 5 8 2 6 3 5 5 1 1 1 1 3 - - 1 1 4 - 1 1 2 1 1 79

BJP and Dalit Leadership :

BJP has won maximum 25 numbers out of 79 reserved seat in 1999 Lok Sabha Election. From the election results it appears that BJP has patronized Dalit votes but it is not so, rather it is pure tactical gain without any aim to develop or project leadership from these group. Bangaru Laxman experiment to attracts Dalit miserably failed, the way he was unceremoniously expelled in Tahalaka Kand. The elevation of Shri Surajbhan to the post of Governor of UP and then shifting to Himachal Pradesh could not attracts Dalit. Having deep ideological difference BP Morya (no more alive) was brought to gear up northern India Dalits, could not make any dent, rather intra-conflict with Sangh Priya Gautam was surfaced. People could not digest the two veteran Ambedkarite turning to saffron color. Sangh Priya Gautam was one vice -president of BJP could not raise his voice for plight of Dalits and became Bauna before RSS.

BJP also tried to reap electoral benefits with the help of Ms Mayavati who was made CM of UP on their support that too failed in Taj- Corridor issue, when her Govt was terminated. This political divorce brought BJP in to utter helplessness condition. Not only this BJP has debunked Dalits agenda but also they totally diluted the reservation policy making ineffective. Disinvestments of PSUs was initiated to block reservation and thereby progress of Dalits. Instead of Dalits they have shifted to align with OBCs as their emotionally co-religious partner. The elevation Uma Bharti as CM of MP, recalling Kalyansingh after abusing him publicly and helping Mulayamsingh Yadav out of the way in formation and running of UP govt there after. Thus in 2004 General Election BJP drop down from 7 to 3 in UP, and from 25 to 18 in all India out of 79 reserve seats, as measure fallout. They could able to sustain some reserved seats in their own ruling States.

Further it should not be misunderstood with the figure of 18 MPs won by BJP in last Parliamentary Election 2004 as major chunk, out of 79 reserved seats, as shown below in table 3, that BJP enjoys maximum support of Dalit, rather they have enjoyed the division of votes only. None of the reserved MP elected from this party has any say for the cause of Society. They cannot raise a simple voice in favor of reservation issue by virtue which they are enjoying and they gives mare excuse, the plea of Party discipline. BJP also believes that Dalits and Muslims are not their common allies and that is why they have shifted over to OBCs and it is in their interest that they should make continuous fight of OBCs with Dalits as well Muslims. Their all strategies are on the basis of division of votes, so that they should be success in number game in the name of Hindu majority.

Table 3: General Election 2004 result on reserve seats

Parties/ State BJP CPI CPM INC AIADMK BSP DMK TDP IND/JDU RJD INLD HVC SHS BJD SAD SDF MDMK PMK SP RLD SJPR LC RSP AIFB AITC TOTAL
Andhra Pradesh - - - 1 - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 6
Assam - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1
Bihar 1 - - 1 - - - - 1 2 - - - - - - - - - - 2 L J P - 8
Chhattisgarh 2 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2
Gujrat 2 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2
Hariyana - - - 2 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2
Himachal Pradesh - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1
Jharkhand - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1
Karnataka 2 - - 1 - - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 4
Kerala - 1 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2
MP 4 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 4
Maharastra - - - - - - - - - - - - 2 - - - - - - - 1 R P I - 3
Orissa - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - - 3
Punjab - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 3 - - - - - - - - - - 3
Rajsthan 4 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 4
Tamil Nadu - 1 - 1 - - 3 - - - - - - - - - 1 1 - - - - - - - 7
UP 3 - - 1 - 4 - - - - - - - - - - - - 8 1 - - - - - 17
Uttaranchal - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1 - - - - - - 1
West Bengal - - 5 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 2 1 - 8
Delhi - - - 1 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1
Total 18 2 6 14 0 4 3 1 2 3 0 0 2 3 3 0 1 1 9 1 3 0 2 1 0 79

Dalit Leadership in Communist group :

Around 1917, there was a strong revolutionary movement all across the globe that drew its inspiration from the Bolshevik revolution in Russia. It claimed its ideological strength from the theories of historical materialism, dialectical materialism and scientific socialism propounded by Karl Marx. The Russian revolution had ignited hope of emancipation in oppressed humanity. In India too, it soon took roots and came to be reckoned as a political force, especially in the urban centers where it had a particular appeal among the workers of various factories.

The leadership of this communist movement however came from the middle class educated youth who for historical reasons had to come from the upper castes, the majority being the Brahmin itself. Their comprehension of the philosophy of communism was acutely constrained on one hand by the lack of systematic political education compounded by the non-availability of much of the original literature, and on the other by their class and caste consciousness. It rested on the dictums like class struggle, dictatorship of proletariat and notions of the base and superstructure without the underlying dialectics that lent it its specific meanings.

The emergence of autonomous caste struggle could not therefore be taken kindly by the communist movement, as it saw the caste struggle to be dividing the workers, diffusing the focus of the anti-imperialist struggle and being non-scientific to them. Thus due to lack of proper understanding about caste -class struggle in the hands of Upper caste leadership it became almost a regional party of West Bengal and Kerala state. One has to understand the caste system in Indian society that Caste is big block in formation of class system. Since birth the people are being identified by their caste, which form a class within class as a consolidated cluster non-volatile in nature. Besides caste there is a Varna (the division by color) system, which further consolidate the caste system before it converts to class system. Kayastha and Namoshudra can't form a class TOGATHER though both belong to same Shudra Varna. As a result the whole communist group, could not project any Dalit leader in the interest of basic principle of their class struggle even after contesting from Reserve Constituencies for last 20-25-general/ assemblies Election. Dalits of India could not get any affection towards communist movement though they would have been natural allies as Have-nots.

In west Bengal Dalit consists of total 24 % population of the State. The left coalition captured all the eight seat reserved for SC , but we can not name a single person who represent this dalits here. In fact their representation in the State cabinet is a testimony to the fact that they have been denied representation. Today dalits are devoid of any Dalit leader of repute and mass following in the State. As per Atul Kohali on his own word "In the case of Govt led by Communist party of India (Marxist) between 1977 to 1982 there were more Brahmin than Congress Govt, over 35%, the number of Kayastha above 31% and Vaishya 23% was almost the same as in Congress Govt.,,, while SC representation was marginally lower at 1.5%". Hence leftist never groomed Dalit leadership and tried to avoid projection purposefully though they reaped a good harvest their votes till today. The result of last two parliamentary Election shows that the leftist party won as bonus all the reserved seats of the Kerala as well West Bengal without doing any thing for them.

DALIT LEADERSHIP AND BSP:

One forth population belongs to this Dalit group consists of about 1500 castes covered under SC reserved community, besides 3746 castes of Backward community which constitutes 52% of total population of India. If the two include the total population becomes about 77% i.e. it represents three forth of India. If you see distribution of population in respect of Rural verses Urban, about 76% Rural population leaves in 746591 villages and rest 24% Urban populations leaves in 100 Corporation cities and about 200 Municipal Towns India. Dalits and Backward lot of the Indian society mostly leaves in villages where there is rare any facilities like proper roads, schooling, medical transport etc.. They are not getting proper education and employments near by which can be seen from SC/ST Commission report placed above in table 1. The level of leadership can be well imagined from their socio-economic standard.

It was the greatness of Dr. Ambedkar who facilitated this dalits as a matter of participation in the governing of nation, with Voting right, reservation in services and Politics, equality before law and administration, facilitation in educational system, abolition of Untouchability by introducing Act in the Constitution. RPI could not fill up the vacuum generated by death of Dr. Ambedkar after 1956 and they remained busy in their personal conflicts. This vacuum was well understood by Shri Kanshiram when he was working at Defense laboratory Kirki Poona as Research assistant. With the idea of Ambedkarite movement BAMCEF a cadre-based organization was initiated to develop leadership amongst the weaker section of society. Its first national convention was held at Nagpur on 6th Dec. 1978 as birth of BAMCEF. It was purely started on the social ground of unitization of value-based society with self- respect. During 1980 it was decided to strengthen the social front till 2000, and there after other front like political, religious etc. shall be taken up, but few months later on 6th Dec.' 1981 agitational front DS4 was created. Undoubtedly it was a good step, which boosted mental set up of the society against Oppression and Exploitation.

Some political experiment was carried as learning process in the banner of DS4. Hariyana and Jummu Kashmir was exemplary where not only Dalits but total backward mass shown their solidarity that made Kanshiram suddenly more enthusiastic towards switching over to politics from social movement. An emergence need of political party was felt necessary keeping aside the basic ideology thought in 1980 as above, BSP was formed on 14th April1984.

1984 general election was fought on BSP banner and collected about 10 Lakhs vote. Projection of Mayavati as frontal candidate at Bijnaur (UP) bye-election was a good show, but later on again projecting her in Haridwar bye-election was indigestible as the frontal and base worker of BAMCEF as well DS4, who were of the opinion that there should be parallel projection of other leaders of UP. An extraordinary inclination of Kanshiram towards Mayavati not only resulted into fragmentation of BAMCEF but also side tracking of frontal worker of BSP later on.

After implementation of Mandal Commission and later on Kamandal Vidroh brought big changes in Indian Politics. In 1993 a big changes took place in UP when SP and BSP joined hand together and Mulayamsingh formed govt. with comfortable majority as a result confidence and orientation of backward communities towards BSP was seen at large. This was a good experiment and should have continued to grape the national politics quickly. Unfortunately it converted in to divorce due to short vision and personality clash. Ms Mayavati joined hands with the BJP a misfit, communalist forces keeping aside Ambedkarite ideology and became CM. Other way it was told as opportunity. The unwanted contract marriage quickly converted in to divorce. Meanwhile the backward and caste communities who were coming close together remain separated. BJP was success in keeping the Dalit and backward communities separate in the interest of Brahmanical Hindu society.

Table4 : Atrocities Committed on Dalits from 1981 to 1999 : (Source Annual report of commission for SC/ST New Delhi) (Note: POA - Public offence Act)

Year Murder GrievousHurts Rape Arson Others Crime under POA Total
1981 493 1492 604 1295 10343 14318 28636
1982 514 1429 635 1035 11441 15054 30108
1983 525 1361 640 993 11440 14949 29898
1984 541 1454 692 973 12327 15987 31974
1985 502 1367 700 980 11824 15373 30746
1986 564 1408 727 1002 11715 15416 30832
1995 571 4544 837 500 11056 13926 31433
1996 543 4585 949 464 13862 9620 30023
1997 504 3462 1002 384 12149 7831 25338
1999 506 3241 1000 337 11820 7289 25093

Again in 1996 assembly election made alliance with Congress and joined hands with BJP in formation of Govt. alternative arrangement for six months each. Soon after ending six month tenure by BSP on leadership of Mayavati BJP was handed over to form Govt. in UP and in a couple of months tie again break. Till this time BSP achieved big popularity by new entry like Arvind Netam, Arif Md Khan prominent ex-ministers from Congress and many more form other parties. The OBC and tribe had shown their solidarity in formation of Bahujan Samaj as peak. After 1998 Lok Sabha election BSP leadership could not maintain intact with new entrains.

Soon after 1999 assembly election the cadre based system collapsed and downfall of BSP started. In UP experiment to include Oppressor and Exploiter group was prominent and good number of non- Bahujan leaders got elected, and third time BSP joined hands with BJP in Formation of Govt. in UP. This Govt. again ended with same fate as in the past. Taj Corridor and other issue were focused to tarnish the image of leadership. As result Kanshiram get shocked at Vishakkapattanam and later on could not recover till date. Media house in the name of Bahujan Foundation Trust, a dream plan of Kanshiram was sold hurriedly. Mayavati took over Presidentship showing ill health of Kanshiram. This is how future dream of Dlits diverted from the main path and Brahmins and Baniya are the main adviser of so-called Bahujan samaj leader. Now BSP is being also known as Brahmin Samaj Party and Brahmin + Baniya has taken place of Bahujan. Thus the social movement started as Ambedkarite movement by Kanshiram has been switched over to pure political movement. BSP should have concentrated in minimizing atrocities on Dalit which is in increasing trends as shown in table 4.

Another important factor to be noted, is that during Kanshiram's time Mayavati was allowed to concentrate on UP only. She is not having any exposure to the other part of the country and her faithful workers from UP are being deputed to supervise other states, this Subedari Pratha, causing least effectiveness in the society as such she may not be having trust with worker of other states. The self-respect movement has taken the shape of serventship and financial recovery process has been initiated against some worker. In Punjab the birthplace of Kanshiram and highest Dalit population of 28% could not sustain the strength once gained as opposition party status and one time won three MP seats. The reason needs to be analysed whether it is affect of new leadership or some thing else. In West Bengal, which constitutes about 24% Dalit population more than UP in proportion, BSP could not make any dent rather lost ground after Feb' 1995 mass rally at Brigade Pared Ground has to be taken in to cognizance.

LJP and Dalit Leadership : Lok Jan Shakti party formed by Ramvilas Paswan a Dalit leader after detachment from NDA Govt. on issue of Gujrat riots and mainly to oppose Lalu- Ravadi Govt. in Bihar has emerged as new phenomena in Dalit politics after BSP. As for Dalit movement is concern LJP is ideologically zero, rather it is purely leader based political movement. Due to emerging forces of upper strata as Sarvajan (Swarna) Samaj, leaving aside Bahujan Samaj, as a mismatch, disrespect and leadership confrontation, most of the top social and political worker left BSP and joined hands with Ramvilas Paswan. R.K. Choudhry from UP, Phoolsingh Baraiya, Sukhlal Kushvaha, Buddhsen Patel etc from MP and Harbhajansingh Lakha are some of them. LJP is also busy in fighting with Lalu Yadav just like Mayavati with Mulayamsingh Yadav, who would have been co-partner to fight with communal forces. Ramvilas Paswan also experimented to adopt Upper caste leader for the success in number game but that also failed like BSP in UP with the same fate.

Dalit Leadership in other State Parties:

DMK. AIADMK, TDP, SP, BJD, RJD, SAD, AGP,INLD etc. are some of the State political parties who ruled different State at different points of time. All the way they have enjoyed the support of Dalit votes in formation of Govt., but there is a dearth of any effective Dalit leaders at regional level also. It is difficult to understand that why south India which has witnessed strong anti-Brahmin movement of Periyar Ramaswami Naikar and Narayana Guru. It appears that Backward communities movement like DMK , PMK have deliberately suppressed the Dalit movement in south and political parties are devoid of their independent movement.

In Orissa where Dalit votes amounts to more than 17% of total population the situation is similar. RJD a supporting partner of NDA allies has adopted the BJP techniques in developing leadership rather they are taking advantages of division of votes without doing any thing for them. RJD lead by Lalu Prasad Yadav who claims to be savior of Dalits in Bihar has also neglected Dalit issue in projecting leadership. SAD in Punjab where highest population of Dalit exists have neglected the Dalit leadership and their related issue after enjoying their full support and winning all the three seats from reserved constituencies.

SP in Uttar Pradesh appears to maximum gainer in acquiring 8 out of 17 MP seats has no programs for Dalit issue on the contrary they are busy in confrontation with Mayavati as Dalit leader, will be other way gain for BSP. In the interest of SP they should have projected dalit leader to the height of Mayavati, if individual projection not possible than it should have done in cumulative leadership with definite schemes and program to go to gross root level. Yadav and Dalit fighting should be avoided at nay cost in the interest of both to root out communal forces.

Conclusion :

No doubt on the leadership of Kanshiram BSP has created aspiration among Dalits of India at the gross roots level by developing Cadre-based organization. It has shown result at one point of time. Now the new leadership has to show the same encouragement amongst the worker than undoubtedly it will flourish but side-by-side the social front has also to be strengthened so that atrocities on them are controlled and minimized. Economic front of Dalits also need to be strengthened not by corrupt means but by fair development. You cannot uproot corruption by corrupt means. Dalits are victims of Money Media and Mafias and reached at this helpless and hopeless stage due to misappropriation of resources by handful Sawarnas (Brahmin, Baniya and Bade Jamidar) nad they can not be savior of Dalits to whom they have exploited and oppressed. Joining hands with exploiter means exploitation of Dalit society. Bahujan samaj itself is a big strength provided it is properly organized, instead of switching over to Sarvajan that may lead to later stage complication. BSP should develop collective leadership instead of individual to meet the growing challenges.

At this stage LJP leadership should also think to change their attitude and come with definite programs for social development of Dalits instead of pure political game of criticism as BJP is doing. BJP is best opposition master but worst ruler, proved during last six years of their ruling at centre when they were busy in to block the development path of Dalits either by diluting reservation mechanism or by privatization and disinvestment of the PSUs, a social based organization.

Under these circumstances Dalits have to decide their own fate to follow which path or generate independent movement for total changes. The alternate method is time taking process but the ultimate solution. Without socialization a social strength cannot be developed, where political unity is a temporary phenomenon and it can be played any time with social strength. Brahmins are enjoying all the political benefits in the entire forum including BSP, LJP because of their cultural control and social unity only. We have to learn from them.

p`osa iva&iPt
ip`ya saMpadk mahaodya            idnaaMk : 10 Ap`oL 2001
sarsa sailala pi~ka idllaI p`osa Bavana
[- 3 JaMDovaalaa esToT ranaI JaaMsaI maaga-
na[- idllaI 110055

Aapko Qaaravaaihk pi~ka janavarI iWtIya 2001 ko pRYz k`maaMk 11 pr sauroSacand` raohra ka laoK C%tIsagaZ, “AjaIt jaaogaI ko AaproSana sao basapa maoM hD,kMp” SaIYa-k ko AMtga-t ]pSaIYa-k “idggajaaoM nao basapa CaoD,I” ijasamaoM ilaKa hO, “[sako Alaavaa basapa ko idggaja jamaInaI kaya-kta- raYT`Iya saMpk- AiQakarI TI , Aar , KuMTo …. jaOsaI histyaa^ jaaogaI ko AgauAa[- maoM kaMga`osa maoM Saaimala hao ga[-" yah na kovala AvaaMCnaIya hO varna\ sa%ya sao pro hO. eosaa Ba`amak va Asa%ya samaacaar Capnao sao phlao Aapkao saMbaMiQat byai@t sao jaanakarI AvaSya laonaI caaihe. Aapkao yah &at ikyaa jaata hO ik TI , Aar , KuMTo [sa saMbaMQa maoM na tao kao[- p`osa iva&iPt jaarI ikyaa hO, AaOr na hI kao[- p`osa kaMf`osa ilayaa hO. yah saca hO ik EaI jaaogaI jaI ]nako AcCo ima~ hI nahIM bailk vao baD,o Baa[- jaOsao maanato hOM. ]nhoM Apnaa pirvaar ko sadsya maanato hOM. EaI KuMTo vat-maana maoM ena TI pI saI ko vairYz AiQakarI hOM, AaOr vao kBaI basapa ko sadsyata nahIM ilaeÊ ifr kaMga`osa kI sadsyata ka p`Sna hI nahIM ]zta.At: yah samaacaar sahI nahIM hO .
jaha^ tk kaMSaIrama jaI ka savaala hO, yah saca hO ik kaMSaIrama jaI kao Aagao baZ,anao maoM EaI KuMTo nao Apnao jaIvana ka sabasao kImatI samaya lagaBaga 22 vaYa- lagaayaa. 30 vaYa- kI ]ma` sao sana\ 1979 maoM jaba [Mijainayasa- [MiDyaa maoM vao vairYz AiQakarI qao tba sao baamasaof naamak saMsqaa sao jauD,o AaOr kma-caairyaaoM maoM saamaaijak caotnaa jaagaRt kr, samaaja kao saMgaizt krnao maoM lagao rho, tba maayaavatI iSaixaka qaI vah BaI [sa saMsqaa sao na[- na[- jauD,I hu[- qaI. tba Da ,AmbaoDkr ko sapnaaoM ka Baart banaanaa laxya qaa. EaI KuMTo nao naotR%vahIna samaaja maoM naotR%va pOda kr saOkD,aoM p`iSaxaNa iSaivar lagaakr, hjaaraoM kI saM#yaa maoM koDr tOyaar ike. eosaa lagata qaa, ik kaMSaIrama jaI samaaja kao safla naotR%va p`dana kr sacamauca bahujana samaaja banaayaoMgao.laoikna Aaja Kod ko saaqa khnaa pD,ta hO, ik vao BaI Anya BaTko dilat naotaAaoM kI trh maayaajaala maoM fMsa gayao. fTa caPpla TUTa KaT pr caOna kI naIMd saaonao vaalao, Aaja mahlaÊ kaozIÊ saoja– saOyyaa sao ]nhoM fUsa-t kha^, AaOr vaaoTaoM ko bajaaya naaoTaoM kI duinayaa maoM Aba dilataoM ko klyaaNa kI klpnaa kr rhoM hOM. phlao vahI kaSaIrama jaI kha krto qao Ba`YTacaar kao Ba`YTacaar sao nahIM imaTayaa jaa sakta AaOr ek naaoT ek vaaoT kI vakalat krto rho. Aa%masammaanaÊ Baa[-caara ka naara lagaato 2 ApnaaoM kao Apmaaitna krnaa va duSmanacaara fOlaanaa Aaja basapa maoM Aama baat hO.Aba tao ivaMga ³Wing´ ko bajaaya ivaga ³Vig´ sao kama calanao lagaa AaOr yahI karNa bahujana samaaja kI baat krto 2 bahujana samaaja bananao sao phlao sava-jana maoM ClaaMga lagaa idyao. samaya ka caË badla gayaa– Aba saMGaYa- iksasao AaOr iksa baat pr haogaa. kha^ gayaa vah pMd`h pcaasaI ka naara AaOr dao QaarI tlavaar, khIMÊ yahI tao nahIM saamaaijak pirvat-naÊ Aaiqa-k ]%qaana ko naara ka AsalaIyat AaOr AsalaI– naklaI caohra. varnaa sauroSacaMd` raohra kao yah ilaKnao ko ilae Aaja saaO baar saaocanaa pD,ta. kOsaI ivaDMbanaa hOÆ kOsaa hO yao pirvat-na Æ
jaha^ tk EaI AjaIt jaaogaI ka savaala hOÊ phlao ]nasao bahujana samaaja inamaa-Na kaya-Ëma ko daOrana sana\ 1989 ko Aasapasa saMbaMQa sqaaipt huAa. kaMSaIrama jaI svayaM ]nhoM 1991 rajya saBaa maoM Baojanao ko ilae madd ikyao bailk ]sa va@t pUva- ivaQaayak jayakrNa saakot kao jaaogaI jaI ko ivaraoQa ko ilae Kra KaoTa saUnanaa pD,a qaa. dUsaro baar jaaogaI jaI ko Aaga`h pr ibalaasapur ijalaa pMcaayat AQyaxa ko caunaava ko daOrana kaMSaIrama jaI ko salaah sao ek svatM~ p`%yaaSaI Anjanaa maulakulavaar kao jaItanao ko ilae EaI KuMTo ]nako saaqa idllaI sao ibalaasapur Aayao qao . AMjanaa jaao sabasao kmajaaor va kaMgaosa p`%yaaSaI ko ivaraoQa maoM svatM~ KD,I qaI. tba jaaogaI jaI svayaM kaMgao`sa p`%yaasaI kao hranao ko ilae KuMTo ka madd ilayao AaOr kaMgao`sa p`%yaasaI kao hrakr AMjanaa maulakulavaar kao jaItayaa. Sat- ko Anausaar ]nhoM basapa p`%yaasaIo caOtrama cand`a kao ]paQyaxa pd ko ilae madd krnaa qaaÊ laoikna jaaogaI jaI basapa ko ]paQyaxa p`%yaaSaI caOtrama cand`a kao ijatanao maoM Asamaqa- rho. ]nako saaro sahyaaogaI matlaba fraoSaI rho. [sa pr AjaIt jaaogaI kovala AfSaaoSa krto rh gayao.
rayagaZ, maoM jaaogaI jaI ko iva$w kao[- p`%yaaSaI` nahIM donao ko dao p`mauK karNa rho hO.
phlaa–t%kailana Baajapa p`doSaaQayxa naMdkumaar saaya ka vaha^ sao caunaava laD,naa, ijanhoM hranaa basapa ka p`mauK laxya qaa.
dUsara – jaaogaI jaI kao kaMga`osaI kaMSaIrama kha jaata qaa, @yaaoMik ]%%ar p`doSa maoM kaMga`osa basapa sao baD,I Gabara[- hu[- qaI, At: ]sa va@t jaaogaI jaI ka jaIt basapa ka jaIt maanaa jaa rha qaa.
eosao tao vyai@tgat va saamaaijak saMbaMQa rajanaIit sao khIM jyaada }^caa haota hO yah samaJanaovaalao ko samaJa pr inaBa-r krta hO. jaha^ tk kaMga`osa paTI- ka savaala hO eosaa maananaa hO, ik ka^ga`osa kovala sa %aaBaaogaI ³Power base´ paTI- hO. [naka Aist%va kovala sa%ta ko saaqa hO sa%ta ko baad yao SaUnya najar Aato hOM. [nako pasa na tao kao[- koDr isasTma hO, AaOr na hI kao[- zaosa ivacaarQaara, ijasako saharo sa %aa baahr yao janata tk jaa sakoM AaOr ApnaI saMgazna Sai@t majabaUt banaa sakoM. haqaI ko da^t Kanao ko AaOr idKanao ko AaOr haoto hOM [saIilae ka^ga`osa ka Qama-inarpoxa ka naara Bajapa ko Cd\maQama-inarpoxa ko saamanao KaoKlaa saaibat hao gayaa @yaaoik Baajapa vaalao AcCI trh jaanato hOM ik kqanaI AaOr krnaI maoM iktnaa Antr hO. [saI ka fayada ]zakr Baajapa ]%%arp`doSa maoM kaMga`osa ka jagah lao ilayaa. ]%trp`doSa maoM phlao Baajapa SaUnya qaI Aaja kaMga`osa SaUnya najar AatI hO. kaMga`osa ko pasa ivacaarQaara kao iËyaanvana krnao ko ilae kao[- AnauSaaisat koDr yaa kaya-k`ma nahIM hO.
Baajapa ko pasa kuC ivacaarQaara ja$r hO Balao hI $Z,IvaadI AmaanavaIya yaa saaMp`daiyak hI sahI, yaa yaqaaisqaitvaadI pr ]nako koDr hOM [saI ko saharo vao SaUnya sao Aaja sa%aa maoM phu^ca gae vahIM ka^ga`osa sa%aa sao Aaja SaUnya kI Aaor TayaTinak SaIp kI idSaa maoM tojaI sao baZ, rha hO.eosaa maananaa hO ik jaaogaI jaI ko rhto C%aIsagaZ, maoM ka^ga`osa qaaoD,a bahut pnap saktI hO basato-M vao xao~ ko ivakasa kao p`aqaimakta doM BaUKmarIÊ garIbaIÊ baoraojagaarIÊ plaayanaÊ saUKa C%aIsagaZ, kI maUla samasyaa hO. hmao [sa baat ka Baya hO ik khIM jaaogaI jaI BaI maaOka prst na hao jaayaoM. yah tao va@t batayaogaa laoikna jaaogaI jaI ko jaanao ko baad C%tIsagaZ, kaMga`osa ka @yaa haogaa @yaaoMik sa%ta iksaI ka sqaa[- pU^jaI nahIM hao sakta. Aba BaI va@t hO gaMBaIr icaMtna ka. mahaodaya yah jaanato hue @yaa Aba BaI Aap AaSaa krto hOM Æ
saMpadk jaI Aapsao AaSaa hO [sa laoK kao Aap p~kairta ko dRiYTkaoNa sao AvaSya CapoMgao Anyaqaa yah ek pxaIya samaacaar haogaa.
saQanyavaad . BavadIya TI , Aar , KMuTo